The idea of the Werther Effect is simple and unnerving. When people are informed through news reports or fictional stories of the fact that other people have committed suicide, they are more likely to commit suicide themselves. The message (e.g., a news report of suicide or suicide statistics or a story about someone committing suicide) likely makes the message receiver believe that the act in question is something that people, perhaps people similar to him or her, do. That isn’t to say that it makes the act socially acceptable or condones the act. By conveying that it has happened and that someone else did it, the message makes the act salient to the receiver, introduces it as a possible course of action, and may imply that it is common. Some theorists say that it may just be a simple suggestion-imitation model of behavior. In either case, it is more likely that the message receiver will commit suicide than if they had not heard the message at all (see Etzersdorfer, Voracek,& Sonneck, 2004; Gould, 2001; Hittner, 2005; Phillips 1978, 1979; 1982; Wasserman, 1984 for details, Thorson & Oberg 2003 for a contrary view).
In the
top-down world of mass media production, news editors have been encouraged to downplay
suicides, making them less likely to inspire readers to commit suicide. But
if we assume that the same relation holds between exposure to the message and
suicide in the age when exposure is "viral" (i.e., spread through online social networks) and/or search-based (i.e., determined by in-the-moment interests), then how do you curb imitative suicide? The story of someone’s suicide might spread through a group of people
who are already preoccupied with the idea or seek out this kind of information. It may spread through people who are trying to offer support.
This
might be part of a more general problem in the age of the internet (where
messages reach people through social networks or based on their consistency with
people’s pre-existing pre-occupations/preferences). There might be other kinds
of behaviors (anorexia, cutting one’s self, abusing drugs) and even other ways of thinking (depressive
thought patterns) that are similar to suicide in that they
are capable of being directly influenced by messages (i.e., not entirely
physiological in origin), they are generally
considered to be undesirable (i.e., painful for the individual and community),
and are stigmatized (that is, not talked about). This particular kind of stigmatization makes these behaviors and thought patterns different from acts of aggression toward others, which, as a culture, we seem to have no problem discussing. This stigmatization leads, in certain communities, to an
attempt to overcome the stigma through communication, through sharing
experiences with the behavior or thought pattern and through support, to let people know that they are not alone. This reaction to the silence of the stigma is unquestionably well intentioned and it may have positive effects, but the evidence of suicide contagion makes me wonder if there are unanticipated effects. It may make message receivers who do not yet exhibit the undesirable behavior or thought pattern (or who do exhibit it but to a lesser extent than the extreme examples they hear about) more aware of the negative behavior or
thought pattern, believe that it is more common or that what they are experiencing is more serious or more intense than they would have otherwise thought, and believe that it is
something that people like them do or, worse yet, something that people are (as in: a permanent, defining characteristic, e.g., a depressed person, an alcoholic, etc.).
Possible
stimuli that may lead to a negative behavior or thought pattern becoming more
common include advertisements for drugs or programs treating depression, anxiety, and other
psychological conditions; online support groups; social media messages
(Facebook and Twitter posts) related to the topic; news stories encountered via
major news sites (e.g., NYTimes) or circulated virally via social media (e.g.,
Twitter). Make no mistake: there is plenty of evidence to suggest that these tools are useful in combating the spread and intensity of suffering and so they should not be discarded unless there is evidence that they do more harm than good. Its unrealistic to think that they ALL do more harm than good, but the evidence of suicide contagion via mass media suggests that it is worth examining whether some of thee messages, under certain circumstances for certain people, may, in fact, backfire. Establishing whether or not any messages designed to curb suffering that is not physiological or physical in origin backfire is the first step. Then, it is essential to understand why this happens, when this happens, and be able to modify the messages so that it doesn't happen anymore: all possible given the wealth of data on Internet use.
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